Black Victim-hood Should Be Catalyst For Empowerment/​but They Must Seize The Moment Now


Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr was born on the 17th of August 1887. Though Garvey was born in Jamaica he was best known for his Panafricanist move­ment in the United States which was met with stiff resis­tance from African-American lead­ers who con­demned his meth­ods.
He was a leader of a mass move­ment called Pan-Africanism and he found­ed the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL).[2][3] He also found­ed the Black Star Line, a ship­ping and pas­sen­ger line which pro­mot­ed the return of the African dias­po­ra to their ances­tral lands.(Wikipedia)

Most of all Marcus Garvey advo­cat­ed seg­re­ga­tion from the white pow­er struc­ture which had kid­napped, raped, mur­dered, enslaved and oth­er­wise vis­it­ed and still per­pet­u­at­ed geno­cide on African peo­ples, advanc­ing a Pan-African phi­los­o­phy to inspire a glob­al mass move­ment and eco­nom­ic empow­er­ment focus­ing on Africa known as Garveyism.

Marcus Garvey

Garvey found­ed and oper­at­ed the Black Star Liner a pas­sen­ger ship­ping line which pro­mot­ed the return of the African dias­po­ra to their ances­tral lands. Despite attract­ing huge fol­low­ings Garvey who would lat­er be rec­og­nized as Jamaica’s first National hero saw the demise of his ship­ping line which went into bank­rupt­cy.
Garvey was even­tu­al­ly con­vict­ed on trumped up mail fraud charges and even­tu­al­ly deport­ed to Jamaica where he con­tin­ued his work.

Garvey’s essen­tial ideas about Africa were stat­ed in an edi­to­r­i­al in Negro World enti­tled “African Fundamentalism”,

On 8 July, Garvey deliv­ered an address, enti­tled “The Conspiracy of the East St. Louis Riots”, at Lafayette Hall in Harlem. During the speech, he declared the riot was “one of the blood­i­est out­rages against mankind”, con­demn­ing America’s claims to rep­re­sent democ­ra­cy when black peo­ple were vic­tim­izedfor no oth­er rea­son than they are black peo­ple seek­ing an indus­tri­al chance in a coun­try that they have laboured for three hun­dred years to make great”. It is “a time to lift one’s voice against the sav­agery of a peo­ple who claim to be the dis­pensers of democ­ra­cy”.


Dr. King

Seventy-Eight (78) after the death of Marcus Garvey and fifty(50) years after the death of Martin Luther King Jr the civ­il rights leader who taught and advo­cat­ed for a more peace­ful non-vio­lent paci­fist form of protest, not a great deal has changed.
Dr. King him­self cau­tioned against what he called “the tran­quil drug of grad­u­al­ism” in response to the com­mon refrain from lib­er­al whites to let things evolve grad­u­al­ly.
At the same time, King’s non-vio­lent form of civ­il dis­obe­di­ence was large­ly born out of the idea that Blacks by virtue of their numer­i­cal strength could not have a mil­i­tary solu­tion to their plight in America.

For Blacks who had not tak­en the option as oth­ers had to leave and reset­tle on the African Continent, the strat­e­gy was inex­orably one of appeal­ing to the bet­ter angels of the very peo­ple who had oppressed mur­dered, raped, enslaved and oth­er­wise abused them for over four hun­dred years.

I risk being repet­i­tive by stat­ing that the very issues which plagued the Black com­mu­ni­ty dur­ing the 60’s, seg­re­ga­tion, racial bias­es, and abuse from police who sees itself as an insti­tu­tion, as defend­ers of the white pow­er struc­ture rather than pro­tec­tors of all cit­i­zens are the same issues which plague the com­mu­ni­ty today.

It is impor­tant to rec­og­nize that cul­tur­al­ly, police depart­ments treat black cit­i­zens dif­fer­ent­ly than they do whites because they do not see black cit­i­zens as full cit­i­zens.
Individual police offi­cers and groups of offi­cers may not even rec­og­nize the struc­tur­al bias­es and dis­re­gard, inher­ent in their respons­es and behav­ior toward black Americans as opposed to how they respond to whites.
In many cas­es, many white offi­cers may oth­er­wise be what one would call “decent peo­ple”, the dif­fer­ences in their approach­es go to the depth of the implic­it bias­es which are inher­ent in law enforce­ment in America.

When there is a jux­ta­po­si­tion of the mas­sive infil­tra­tion of white suprema­cists in law enforce­ment over the years it demon­strates the lev­el of dan­ger peo­ple of col­or face in their inter­ac­tion with law enforce­ment, even when they are the ones who hap­pen to call the police.
In 2017 the Intercept report­ed.
Federal law enforce­ment agen­cies in gen­er­al — the FBI, the Marshals, the ATF — are aware that extrem­ists have infil­trat­ed state and local law enforce­ment agen­cies and that there are peo­ple in law enforce­ment agen­cies that may be sym­pa­thet­ic to these groups,” said Daryl Johnson, who was the lead researcher on the DHS report. Johnson, who now runs DT Analytics, a con­sult­ing firm that ana­lyzes domes­tic extrem­ism, says the prob­lem has since got­ten “a lot more trou­ble­some.

The uncon­scionable and despi­ca­ble shoot­ing deaths by police of men­tal­ly ill fam­i­ly mem­bers of black peo­ple who call them for help goes to the lack of respect police large­ly have for black lives.
The con­tin­ued rep­re­hen­si­ble killing and abuse of black men and women even when they are unarmed and have com­mit­ted no crimes, against the repeat­ed cas­es of white mass killers being arrest­ed with­out receiv­ing a scratch from police demon­strates the dan­ger­ous bi-fold polic­ing paths in America.
Even in adverse sit­u­a­tions where a poten­tial arrestee decides to resist being arrest­ed, the wrong­ness of how police behave in the mind of the sub­ject can­not be ignored.

Today black Americans are pro­filed in Starbucks cof­fee shops, in Waffle hous­es, in restau­rants, cloth­ing stores, and oth­er estab­lish­ments.
Well over half a cen­tu­ry after lunch counter sit-ins, water hoses, hav­ing to pay at the front, then exit and go to the back of the bus to sit or stand, the con­ver­sa­tions are the same.

And so I won­der whether the path of assim­i­la­tion and inte­gra­tion tak­en in the 60’s has been a cor­rect path for American blacks? What would have hap­pened if Blacks had come togeth­er as they did dur­ing the Montgomery bus boy­cotts to start com­mu­ni­ty banks, start­up and sup­port each oth­er in busi­ness­es out­side the tra­di­tion­al bar­ber­shops and hair salons? In Real Estate, char­ter schools, and busi­ness­es of all kinds would the response to blacks in America be the same had blacks opt­ed for build­ing their own insti­tu­tions as ear­li­er blacks did?

Black Americans built Institutions of high­er learn­ing, they build col­leges and Universities which are mon­u­ments to black excel­lence, integri­ty, and intel­lect to this day.
Black busi­ness­es have been vic­tims of white wrath and hate and have been sys­tem­at­i­cal­ly destroyed under trans­par­ent pre­texts of wrong­do­ing.
On January 1, 1923, a mas­sacre was car­ried out in the small, pre­dom­i­nant­ly black town of Rosewood in Central Florida. The mas­sacre was insti­gat­ed by the rumor that a white woman, Fanny Taylor, had been sex­u­al­ly assault­ed by a black man in her home in a near­by com­mu­ni­ty. Read the sto­ry here: http://​www​.black​past​.org/​a​a​h​/​r​o​s​e​w​o​o​d​-​m​a​s​s​a​c​r​e​-​1​923

National guards­men col­lect­ed the injured

In 1921, Tulsa had the wealth­i­est black neigh­bor­hood in the coun­try. On Sundays, women wore satin dress­es and dia­monds, while men wore silk shirts and gold chains. In Greenwood, writes his­to­ri­an James S. Hirsch,“Teachers lived in brick homes fur­nished with Louis XIV din­ing room sets, fine chi­na, and Steinway pianos.”
They called it Black Wall Street.

They had done every­thing that they were sup­posed to do in terms of the American dream,” says Carol Anderson, Professor of African American Studies at Emory University. “You work hard, you save your mon­ey, you go to school, you buy prop­er­ty. And this is what they had done under hor­rif­ic con­di­tions.”

Greenwood was strict­ly seg­re­gat­ed from the rest of the city, but still, it flour­ished. It was home to black lawyers, busi­ness own­ers, and doc­tors — includ­ing Dr. A.C. Jackson, who was con­sid­ered the most skilled black sur­geon in America and had a net worth of $100,000.

Dr. Jackson was killed on the night of May 31st, 1921, along with hun­dreds of black Tulsans. Thirty-five blocks of Greenwood were razed that night. 1,256 homes and 191 busi­ness­es were destroyed. 10,000 black peo­ple were left home­less. By morn­ing, Black Wall Street had been reduced to rub­ble.

In 1890, a group of migrants flee­ing the hos­tile South set­tled an all-black town called Langston, 80 miles west of Tulsa. Oklahoma wasn’t yet a state, and its racial dynam­ics weren’t set in stone. The archi­tect of the set­tle­ment, Edwin McCabe, had a vision of Oklahoma as the black promised land. He sent recruiters to the South, preach­ing racial pride and self-suf­fi­cien­cy. At least 29 black sep­a­ratist towns were estab­lished in Oklahoma dur­ing the late 19th cen­tu­ry.

White home­stead­ers opposed to the “Africanization of Oklahoma” spear­head­ed a counter-move­ment, and the rur­al black set­tle­ments were all but wiped off the map. McCabe him­self fled to Chicago in 1908. But black peo­ple were in Oklahoma for good, and they moved to the cities — tak­ing that dream of empow­er­ment with them. Tulsa expe­ri­enced a mas­sive oil boom in the 1900s, and black res­i­dents began mak­ing good mon­ey as cooks and domes­tic ser­vants to the free­wheel­ing white nou­veau riche. They invest­ed that mon­ey in their own neigh­bor­hood, and by 1920 Greenwood was the most vibrant and afflu­ent black com­mu­ni­ty in the United States.

White res­i­dents were dis­turbed by the grow­ing black wealth in Greenwood and sought to impose offi­cial seg­re­ga­tion mea­sures. In 1914, the city passed a law that for­bade any­one from liv­ing on a block where more than three-quar­ters of the pre­ex­ist­ing res­i­dents were of anoth­er race. In iso­la­tion, Greenwood only thrived more. Its main strip boast­ed attor­neys’ offices, auto shops, cafes, a movie the­ater, funer­al homes, pool halls, beau­ty salons, gro­cery stores, fur­ri­ers, and con­fec­tioner­ies. One entre­pre­neur built an ele­gant 54-room hotel, like­ly the largest ever owned by a black per­son in pre-Civil Rights America. Crystal chan­de­liers hung from the ceil­ing in the ban­quet hall. Its own­er, J.B. Stradford, had been born a slave.

That resent­ment in Tulsa was so intense,” says Carol Anderson, “it was just wait­ing for a spark in order to ignite it.” That spark was a sex­u­al assault alle­ga­tion against a black teenag­er named Dick Rowland. It’s not entire­ly clear what hap­pened in the ele­va­tor of the Drexel Building on May 30, 1921, but one com­mon nar­ra­tive is that Rowland acci­den­tal­ly tripped against its oper­a­tor, a white 17-year-old named Sarah Page, caus­ing her to scream. A bystander who heard the scream called the police, and “like a game of tele­phone, the sto­ry became more inflam­ma­to­ry with each retelling, and spread rapid­ly,” writes Dexter Mullins.

When Rowland was cap­tured, a few black World War I vet­er­ans from Greenwood armed them­selves in front of the cour­t­house, pre­pared to pre­vent a lynch­ing. They were jus­ti­fied in their fear — a man named Roy Belton had been lynched in Tulsa the year before, after his arrest. “The lynch­ing of Roy Belton,” read Greenwood’s black news­pa­per The Tulsa Star in 1920, “explores the the­o­ry that a pris­on­er is safe on the top of the Court House from mob vio­lence.”

In front of the cour­t­house where Dick Rowland was being kept, a group of white men approached the black men from Greenwood. “Nigger, what are you going to do with that pis­tol?” said one. “I’m going to use it if I need to,” the black man replied. The white man attempt­ed to wrest the pis­tol from his hands, and a gun­shot rang out. It’s unclear whether it was acci­den­tal, a warn­ing shot, or an attempt to injure or kill. In any case, all hell broke loose.

The groups of white and black men had a run­ning gun­fight all the way to Greenwood. When they got there, the group of whites — which had grown in num­ber — began fir­ing indis­crim­i­nate­ly on black bystanders. Black peo­ple were shot in the streets and dragged behind cars with noos­es tied around their necks. Their hous­es and busi­ness­es were loot­ed and burned down. Greenwood res­i­dents fired back, and there were white casu­al­ties as well. Ultimately, the white mob was larg­er and bet­ter armed.
Read the full sto­ry here: https://​time​line​.com/​h​i​s​t​o​r​y​-​t​u​l​s​a​-​r​a​c​e​-​m​a​s​s​a​c​r​e​-​a​9​2​b​b​2​3​5​6​a69

Did Black America lose it’s appetite to start­up and own busi­ness­es? How many Black Americans today knew about these two exam­ples I out­lined here or the count­less oth­er instances of white geno­cide against blacks who decid­ed to cre­ate wealth for them­selves?
The fact is, not many. So the refusal by blacks to start­up and own their own busi­ness­es is not root­ed in knowl­edge of what occurred nei­ther should black Americans be afraid or intim­i­dat­ed.
The fate of each and every one of us rests not with the gen­eros­i­ty or benev­o­lence of oth­ers, [least of all those who hate us] but in the accu­mu­la­tion of wealth and the sub­se­quent empow­er­ment of us as a peo­ple.

There is a rea­son that they chose to burn those busi­ness­es and kill the peo­ple who dared to defy con­ven­tion­al wis­dom by cre­at­ing their own engines of empow­er­ment. Despite their igno­rance, those imbe­ciles who burned those black busi­ness­es were at least intel­li­gent enough to under­stand the impor­tance of wealth cre­ation as a vehi­cle to real and sus­tain­able pow­er.

There is an endur­ing truth which exists in the uni­verse, it is that out of the worst tragedy there are still good pos­si­bil­i­ties.
The con­di­tions which are the most vio­lent and dan­ger­ous cre­ates the lush­est, green foliages. (See the areas clos­est to active vol­ca­noes).

If Black America spends its ener­gies and it’s 1.3 ‑1.5 tril­lion dol­lars of spend­ing mon­ey each year enrich­ing oth­ers. A hun­dred years from now they will be talk­ing about how they are treat­ed in cof­fee shops or what obtains in place of cof­fee shops then.
Why are we hav­ing a con­ver­sa­tion about waf­fle hous­es? What does it take to do star­tups of waf­fle hous­es?
At the risk of being over­ly sim­plis­tic, serv­ing waf­fles, eggs, bacon, cof­fee and some orange juice is not exact­ly rock­et sci­ence.
How about some black peo­ple put them­selves at the busi­ness end of the cash reg­is­ters?

As long as we con­tin­ue to be cash cows to the very peo­ple who loathe us we will per­pet­u­al­ly be the punch­ing bag for oth­ers.
There is no pow­er with­out eco­nom­ic pow­er.
Those opposed to our exis­tence knows it, they are opposed to it because were we to break through their stran­gle­hold they know they have no more con­trol over us.
Think about it for awhile!